Shoti; Bread for Life (The Cace of Study, Korramabad City)

Abstract
In developing countries, the economy consists of two sectors, formal and informal. Due to the impossibility of attending and working in the official sector, part of the social inferior groups choose to work in the informal sector for activity and survival. Shoti are as outcasts who have no legitimacy in the dominant discourses and are visible only as the dominant order defines them in its logic. Due to the necessity of the established order, the Shoti have been thrown out of the train of development inequality, and their activity in the path of uneven and unbalanced development is the only way for them to survive. Using the critical ethnographic method, the present study has addressed the causes of the emergence and spread of the phenomenon of Shoti among the residents of the marginal neighborhoods of Khorram Abad city, taking into account the critical life world of the activists. The studied population has been selected as a sample of 25 people involved in the shooting phenomenon by using the purposeful sampling method, 15 of them were present in Khorramabad Central Prison due to smuggling of goods and 10 others were outside the prison with They were semi-structured interviews. The findings have been expressed using open and axial coding, on two descriptive and analytical levels. The findings show: extreme economic poverty, unemployment, structural discrimination, people’s positive mentality towards this phenomenon, ease of traffic on the roads, the temptation to achieve high income, social rejection and justifying and legitimizing their work in the emergence and expansion of the phenomenon. Shottis have been effective among the residents of the outskirts of Khorram Abad city. Overall, the Shoti phenomenon is a reflection of structural inequalities and chronic underdevelopment in the western regions of the country, the continuation and reproduction of which will be inevitable without fundamental economic and social reforms. 
Keywords: Shoti, Economic Poverty, Unemployment, Marginal Areas, Khorramabad.
 
1. Introduction
Sustainable employment is one of the most basic human needs and the most important indicators of social welfare. In contrast, unemployment is a destructive phenomenon that leaves far-reaching consequences in social, economic, cultural and psychological dimensions. The failure of the Iranian economic structure to create sufficient job opportunities, especially for the young population, has led a large part of the workforce to move towards informal and risky jobs. One of the clear manifestations of this situation in Lorestan Province is the spread of the “shoti” phenomenon.
Shoti refers to people who, in order to make a living, transport smuggled goods on the country’s roads in light and modified vehicles. The high speed of these vehicles, which sometimes reaches more than 200 kilometers per hour, has led to their being named “shoti”. The activity of the shotis is considered a new counterpart to the kolbari in the western regions and the fuel carrier in the eastern and southern regions of Iran, and in addition to creating road hazards, it is considered a serious threat to the lives of the shotis and other drivers. This expansion of informal and risky jobs cannot be explained solely at the individual level, but rather this phenomenon is meaningful within the framework of macro-economic and social structures and can be analyzed in direct connection with processes such as poverty, structural inequalities, marginalization, labor market instability, and unbalanced development.
A look at the situation of Lorestan shows that this province is among the less developed provinces of the country in the main development indicators, including poverty, unemployment, and inequality. This underdevelopment is evident in many social and economic indicators, including the misery index.
Despite the extent and multidimensional consequences of this phenomenon, few scientific studies have so far identified its social and economic roots. As a result, there is a serious research gap in this field. The present study, with a critical ethnographic approach and focusing on the lifeworld of the Shotis in the city of Khorramabad, seeks to answer this fundamental question: What are the causes of the emergence and spread of the Shotis phenomenon in the city of Khorramabad?
 
2.Materials and Methods
In this study, a qualitative method of critical ethnography was used to achieve the answer to the problem and research objectives. The aim of the qualitative approach in research is to obtain information available in a specific field and to gain a deeper and more profound understanding of phenomena that are not possible through a quantitative approach. Qualitative research is conducted in the real world and identifies very subtle and profound issues. Qualitative research also studies human relationships by acknowledging their plural and individualized truth in their lives (Flick, 1403: 15). In critical ethnography, the role of the researcher is prominent and goes beyond mere description and usually takes a stance according to his or her values. Therefore, a critical researcher is a pragmatic individual who, in addition to understanding the world, seeks to change it and operates based on his or her basic assumptions, such as the authenticity of change, justice, and freedom. Then, by reconstructing the data, he or she tries to reveal the hidden depths of exploitation, power, and unfavorable conditions. In this entire process, reflective thinking, meaning referring to oneself and recognizing one’s own thoughts and beliefs, prevails (Karaspikaan, 1996: 4).
 
3. Target society
The participants of the present study are the Shoti of Khorramabad city, and the sample size, considering the theoretical saturation level, was 25 people involved in the research problem. 15 of these people were present in Khorramabad Central Prison due to smuggling of goods (Shoti), and after necessary coordination with the relevant authorities, they were selected using purposive sampling method, and another 10 people were selected outside the prison using theoretical and purposive sampling method.
 
4. Data Analysis
Open and axial coding methods were also used to analyze the data. In the open coding stage, the data are broken down, analyzed, compared, and categorized, and in axial coding, hypothetical relationships between categories are made. The reliability of the present study was obtained based on three criteria: angularity, member control or respondent validity, and reflection. In the present study, angularity validity was obtained by asking the research questions to the study subjects at different times and conditions, and then comparing the answers at different times and places. In the next stage, these answers were matched with what is done in practice to maximize angularity and, as a result, the credibility of the research. Also, in collecting information for the present study, in addition to the researcher, other observers and interviewers were also used, and then the findings of several researchers were compared with each other. To gain credibility, the opinions of the study subjects were used in formulating the research questions, and after each interview, the notes and points taken were referred to the respondents, and the views, as well as the respondent’s disagreement or agreement with these points, were taken into account. Finally, the general findings of the present study were presented to some of the respondents, in order to best ensure the credibility of the present study in the eyes of the respondents. An effort was made to follow the principle of reflection as much as possible.
 
5. Conclusion 
In this study, the Shoti were studied as a representation of poverty and deprivation in the marginal neighborhoods of Khorramabad city. This phenomenon can be analyzed along with other informal and risky activities such as kolbari and fuel hauling in the west and southwest of Iran; where the workforce in deprived communities, due to unemployment, economic pressure and the temptation to achieve higher income, inevitably accept the role of intermediary in the transfer of smuggled goods and take great risks to meet the most basic needs of livelihood; risks that sometimes cost their lives, property and the lives of others.
The research findings show that life in the marginal neighborhoods of Khorramabad is accompanied by repeated experiences of social exclusion, deprivation and a sense of injustice among the residents. From the Shoti’s perspective, they are part of the outcasts of an unjust social system that poverty, unemployment and severe economic pressure have left them with no other path than entering the cycle of Shoti. Most participants emphasized that if there were stable and fair job opportunities, they would never have resorted to such risky activities. Therefore, it can be said that the lived experience of the Shotis is a mixture of poverty, unemployment, inequality and exclusion that has led them to a forced choice. Although in some cases the temptation to achieve a high income plays a role, often entering this path is not voluntary, but rather a result of necessity and subsistence compulsion.
Finally, the phenomenon of Shotis cannot be considered simply an economic violation or individual choice, but rather it must be interpreted as the product of the interaction of structural, economic, social and political conditions of deprived areas. Shotis is a social construct that has been formed in the context of poverty, unemployment, inequality, centralization and the dominance of the rentier-community economy and has led the marginalized to a risky path.
The Shotis consider their activity to be a “double-edged sword”; On the one hand, it provides daily livelihoods, and on the other hand, it is accompanied by serious threats such as anxiety, road accidents, the risk of shooting, and the possibility of legal punishment. This lived experience shows that the main problem is the structures that deprive people of fair and sustainable job opportunities and push them towards such activities.
Therefore, understanding streetwalking requires moving beyond a purely pathological approach and paying attention to the cycles of poverty and inequality reproduction in deprived areas. The solution to confronting this phenomenon lies not only in law enforcement actions, but also in reforming socio-economic structures, creating sustainable job opportunities, and strengthening social justice and balanced development.